The Cage for What it is. The Rage is Justified.
- Kelly Watt
- Apr 7
- 4 min read

“I freed a thousand slaves. I could have freed a thousand more, if only they knew they were slaves.” Harriet Tubman spoke not just of bondage, but of belief. Not only of chains, but of the quiet, cultivated consent to live inside them. Her words were not elegy. They were instruction. Warning. Map.
What she saw—what she knew—is what America still refuses to name. That slavery did not die. It shifted. It traded shackles for contracts, overseers for supervisors, lashes for layoffs. It camouflaged itself in language: "opportunity," "job creator," "right to work." It slipped north, moved west, climbed upward through the institutions. It adapted because we let it. Because we were trained to.
The South had a name for it—property. The North preferred discretion. But both agreed on the principle: labor must serve capital, and capital must be sacred. One system was blunt, brutal, biblical. The other polite, incremental, bureaucratic. Both were cages. One just had better marketing.
When the South lost its war to preserve the plantation, it simply moved its logic to the ledger. Wages became the illusion of agency. Time clocks replaced chains. Vagrancy laws ensured the jails stayed full enough for cheap labor. The 13th Amendment—trumpeted as liberation—offered a loophole so wide you could drive a prison bus through it.
Northern factories, meanwhile, patted themselves on the back for paying the poor while working them to death. The textile mills of Massachusetts. The coal pits of Pennsylvania. The steel mills of Gary. Each one a sermon in steel and soot, preaching the gospel of production. And when workers demanded justice, they were met with violence, silence, or both.
By the time the Fair Labor Standards Act passed in 1938, America had learned its trick well: make a concession, call it a revolution. The minimum wage excluded the very workers whose ancestors had been enslaved. Domestic labor. Agricultural labor. Black labor. It was not an oversight. It was a design.
And still, the illusion held. Because the worker had a check. A clock-in time. A break schedule. He had the feeling of inclusion, though never the reality of power. It was a theater of fairness, staged for comfort, not truth.
Then came the decades of polish. Television told the tale: the American worker, honest, loyal, triumphant. His lunch pail, his boots, his union card—icons of pride. But while his image was mounted in commercials, his pension was gutted. His job outsourced. His worth reduced to a number on a quarterly report. All while being told he was the backbone of the nation.
The mask finally slipped in 2008. The pyramid cracked. The banks collapsed under the weight of their own invention, and the state—swift, certain—rescued them. Not the families. Not the workers. Not the neighborhoods now strewn with foreclosure signs and shattered dreams. The lie was laid bare: capitalism protects capital, not the people who generate it.
And into that breach walked Donald Trump—not as a savior, but as a salesman. Not to fix the system, but to sell its breakdown as destiny. He was not an interruption. He was an echo. He sold back to the working class a cartoon version of their pain and told them the villains were brown, foreign, feminist, queer. Anyone but the ones cashing the checks.
He is not new. He is the mirror. The embodiment of a nation that treats wealth as virtue and labor as obligation. He did not invent the script. He simply learned his lines better than the others.
Which is why Tubman matters more now than ever. Because she understood the difference between escape and freedom. Between a changed address and a changed soul. Between leaving the plantation and tearing down the logic that made it possible.
She knew the system would rebrand itself. And she knew most would not recognize it. "If only they knew they were slaves." She said "more" because she knew the scale. She said "knew" because she understood the real war was for the mind.
We still don’t know. We still mistake punishment for order. Scarcity for virtue. Hustle for freedom. We still elect wardens because they wear jeans to rallies. We still believe work is redemptive, that exhaustion is noble, that poverty is a moral failure instead of a structural outcome.
This is not freedom. This is the labor lie: that toil is virtue, wages are liberty, and survival is success. It is the myth that built the prison and called it a promise. And until we name it, we cannot leave it.
Trump is not the danger. He is the evidence. The symptom of a sickness we have nursed for centuries. He passed the cost of indulgence to the bottom and called it patriotism. And the bottom—exhausted, ignored, nostalgic—bought it. Not because they were stupid. But because they were starving for a story that made them matter.
But mattering isn’t something granted by myths. It is built by truth. And truth begins by tearing out the root, not just trimming the branches.
Tubman gave us the map. She didn’t draw it in ink. She lived it in action. And her lesson was clear: freedom doesn’t come from being told you are free. It comes from recognizing the cage. And refusing to call it home.



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